Masks of the Navadurgā in Bhaktapur, Nepal: documenting the annual process of making the deities from raw soil to cremation

PI: Emily Pott | Collaborators: Renuka Gurung, Purushottam Lochan Shrestha, Rajesh Gaiju, Purna Chitrakar, Rajesh Chitrakar
Project ID: 2023SG06 | Location of Research: Bhaktapur, Nepal | Host Institution: The King’s Foundation School of Traditional Arts

The dances of the Navadurgā (nine goddesses, forms of Durga) and associated deities (Mahādeva, Ganesh, Bhairava, Simha, Dumha, Sveta Bhairava) are at the centre of an annual cycle of festivals celebrated by the Newar community in Bhaktapur, Nepal which relate to the agricultural calendar, the health of the community, and are bound with the lives of the Newars (indigenous population of the Kathmandu Valley). After a short absence, the return of the physical presence of the deities to Bhaktapur coincides with the delivery of the mask of each deity to the dancers who will embody them in a series of ritual dances. The masks are displayed to the public and taken away by the dancers on Vijayādas̒amī, the 9th day of the festival of Mohani Nakhā (Newari)/Das̒aiṅ (Nepali), when thousands of people rush to the house of the maker of the masks, Purna Chitrakar, to celebrate their return and in devotion to the deities. This day is widely celebrated, and early on the next morning (Mahānavamī, the tenth day of Mohani Nakhā), the masks are taken by the dancers to their new home, their God House (the Navadurgā Dya Chheṅ), where they will reside for the next nine months. During this time, the deities leave their God House from time to time to take part in a series of dances and ceremonies which take place in Bhaktapur and surrounding areas from Mohani Nakhā (late September/early October) until Bhagasthī (New.)/Bhalbhal Aṣtamī (Nep.) in June. On Bhagasthī, at a final series of dances for the public at the Navadurgā Dya Chheṅ, the energy of the deities, which has been slowly declining, reaches its lowest point. After a final dance, the deities depart the God House, the dancers remove the masks and bring them to the nearby Brahmāyani Temple, where the energy of the deities is ritually removed from the masks.

Unlike most other masked dances, the masks of the Navadurgā are the means whereby the physical presence of the deities comes into form. The energy of the individual deities inheres in them whether they are worn by the dancers or on display in their God House or elsewhere. This energy is embodied by the dancers when they don the mask, but it stays with the mask when it is removed. When, through ritual, the physical presence of the deity, like that of any other member of the community, dies, the masks are cremated at the cremation grounds by the river where some of their ashes are ritually thrown into the river and the rest are spread along the bank to be washed away by the next rain. This marks their physical departure from Bhaktapur for a three-month period before the whole annual cycle begins again.

This physical presence and absence of the deities is associated with different cycles in the agricultural calendar, and they are considered to bring their auspicious power to the community and all its activities, and to ward off the inauspicious. The whole process is a renewing and repetitive cycle of coming into and passing out of form through a combination of private and public practices relating the life and cycles of the community directly to the divine. Through the masks, which are deified and facilitate the dancers’ embodiment of the deity, the most esoteric aspects of tantric practice are linked with the participatory audience, mainly the non-initiated members of the public, who consider the deities as beneficent neighbours who are born, live, and die just like any other member of the community, just like them. Characterising the thoughts of devotees, one informant stated, ‘As I am, so are the Navadurgā. They are my best friends, the closest gods. They are here in each drop of my blood, through each step of my life. If there is no Navadurgā, then there is no me.’

This project focuses on documenting the knowledge associated with the recurring, annual making process whereby the masks are created through the transformation of dark lumps of soil into the bright, recognisable faces of each deity which, through ritual, receive and hold the deities’ power. They are remade each year to exact specifications in an elaborate and tightly time-constrained process of making, taking between 70 and 100 days depending on calendar calculations. For the past two- to three-hundred years (or more), the masks have been made by a once-in-a-generation knowledge holder with the support of his family. The mask-maker is a member of the Newar community and a Chitrakar (a group traditionally associated with art and painting). The current mask maker, Purna Chitrakar, who at the time of writing is nearly 80, has been making the masks since he was chosen by the previous mask maker, Vishnu Bahadur Chitrakar, as an apprentice at the age of 12 or 13. His son, Rajesh Chitrakar, is also helping with the process now, and in 2024, they worked together to complete the masks. In any generation, this knowledge is only held by one individual and ideally passed on from father to son through mainly silent demonstration and experience.

Because of the secret and ritual nature of the process, it has never been documented. The mask maker has only been willing to allow documentation of the process for the first time because of the immense challenges that are currently faced and the worry that these challenges may become so great that this knowledge, and the devotion that is required for it to be implemented, will not be sufficiently recognised or valued to allow the work of mask makers to continue, and all will be lost. It has always been the case that from the first day of the process, the work room in the house of the mask maker is not accessible to anyone except family until the time when the masks are ready for display to the public. It is only because of the threat that this knowledge may be lost that access to observe and document the process of creating the masks has been allowed. This radical step is taken with the awareness that it is not only knowledge of a making process that may be lost, but that this making process is crucial in facilitating the ability of the community to connect with, to know, to live alongside, their deities.

The primary goal of the project was to document the knowledge involved in mask-making using images (photos, videos) accompanied by notes based on observations, discussions with knowledge holders, and others in the community. A secondary goal is to increase awareness of the effort and devotion required to carry out this work and to highlight some of the challenges faced by the family today. Hopefully, this will provide a foundation for ensuring the continuation of these important practices so that the knowledge can be used and passed on to enrich the lives of members of the community in generations to come.

Methodology

After the masks leave the house where they are born (Yāchheṅ, the house of the mask-maker, their maternal home), they continue their life in their marital home, their God House. However, documentation of the life of the masks/deities beyond their time at their maternal home is not included in this project. Some photos from their last dance have been included to document this last moment in the lives of the masks/deities, but documenting the knowledge underpinning their activities following their departure from their maternal home is beyond the scope of this project, which focuses specifically on the making of the masks, their coming into form.

The data presented is based on the observation and documentation of the process of mask-making taking place in August, September, and October 2024, and on ongoing discussions with Purṇa Chitrakar, his son, Rajesh Chitrakar, and wife, Chet Kumārī Chitrakar (2024-2026). The approach to the project aimed to overcome barriers that prevented previous researchers from achieving a fuller understanding of the process of mask-making. Local team members were integrated, including a local artist, Dr Renuka Gurung, with knowledge of local methods of making and materials, and local academics, members of the community, and specialists in Newar art, architecture, culture, history, and heritage, Prof Dr Purushottam Lochan Shrestha and Rajesh Gaiju. The making of the masks takes place behind closed doors. From the time that the raw soil, which is transformed to create the moulded and sculpted masks, is delivered to the mask maker, until the evening that the masks are displayed before the public and delivered to the dancers, the house of the mask maker is closed to visitors with very few exceptions. Even when there are visitors, they are not invited to view the making process.

A deliberate aim of the team was to be led by the mask-making process itself and work in a way that reflected the process and aligned with the atmosphere in the house during this special time. For example, the methods of documentation were dictated by the type of knowledge that was employed and the context of the making process. They were adjusted from the beginning to lessen the impact on the process. Methods were adapted through experience to be as unintrusive as possible, and researchers engaged in regular discussion to ensure that boundaries were respected. Some aspects of the process that cannot be viewed by the uninitiated, and these have been noted where possible but not documented with photography or video. Further, the questions and lines of research came out of the process itself. As questions arose while observing the process, they were noted, and when an opportune moment arose, questions were discussed for as long as possible without interrupting the process. Then the process continued. This open-minded approach to the process was deliberate, as the intention was to do as the mask makers themselves do: let the process be the teacher.

Following review of the documentation, further questions arose, and a follow-up field visit outside of the time of the making process made it possible to pose further questions in informal interviews and conversations. This led to further questions and clarifications. The visit outside of the time of the process was crucial to the research. Because the time pressure to complete the masks was no longer an issue, and because questions were more informed based on data already collected, conversations were longer, and more detail could be explored. At this time, and with refined questions, semi-formal interviews and follow-up discussions with local co-investigators and research assistants were also invaluable.

The main methods of documentation in the moment of making were video and photography. Longer videos were created from short video clips. Photographs aimed to document each stage in the process, but also to document details of the final work. This is particularly important as each year the masks are cremated, and so these works of art are always only used or displayed in their God House (Navadurgā Dya Chheṅ) for a nine-month period before being ritually destroyed. While some previous photos exist of individual masks or document the making of commercial masks, this is the first time that any aspect of the process has been documented, and that details of each of the twelve masks made every year have been photographed. With the generous permission of the mask maker, it was possible to document the process from beginning to end. Other methods included interviews and field notes, which were reviewed and compiled into PDF documents included in the metadata or informed the descriptions of the data collected.

Selected Assets

The following provide an overview of the project documentation and maker culture.

Acknowledgements from the Project Team

The project depended on the generosity, knowledge, and support of a number of people. We are particularly grateful to the mask maker and his family. Without the generous hospitality, untiring patience, cooperation, and good humour of the mask maker, Purna Chitrakar, his son, Rajesh, and his wife, Chet Kumārī, the project would not have been conceived much less carried out. We would also like to thank the rest of the family for their hospitality and patience with our continued presence in their home over nearly three months. In addition, the project would not have been possible without local co-investigators, Dr Renuka Gurung and Professor Dr Purushottam Lochan Shrestha, and local research assistant Rajesh Gaiju, all of whose contributions were seminal. We are also greatly indebted to research assistant Jonathan Eeles for his many hours of dedicated work, continued support and regular willingness to take the extra step to help, and to Alma Aleksejeviene for stepping in on such short notice.

We would also like to mention the crucial importance of the local patrons of the mask-making process, particularly in the current climate. Without them, it would not be possible for the work of the mask maker to continue. It is our hope that in the critical years to come this great treasure will be recognised by those who are in a position to support the heritage and culture of Nepal, and who may be able to contribute to bringing attention to the work that is being done. With their support it may be possible to ensure the continuity of this art form, which facilitates public rituals weaving society together, so that this knowledge is available for generations to come.